1) Hossam El-Hamlawy said at the AUC teach-ins that "the revolution was not won in Tahrir Square," but by the labor strikes (some of which began before the eighteen days, some of which still continue); why, especially on the international stage, is 2011 considered a "Facebook revolution" and not a "labor revolution?" Why can I buy notecards and calendars of Tahrir Square and coffee table books of the tweets of the revolution, but have to search for information on labor organizing?
2) A student in one of my classes said that Egypt is still finding out who it is, especially politically, after years of political repression. How does a country find out who it is? What does it risk in that process? Whose voices are heard?
3) I'm reading Fanon and Gandhi right now, who have two vastly different perspectives on violence in decolonization; it makes me think of a comment at the teach-ins: non-violent movements are more likely to be supported by "international goodwill." In Washington, a Gandhi statue stands mere blocks from the White House, which regularly issues justifications of drone attacks in Pakistan; what kind of violence do we condone, and whose peace do we encourage? Can liberation be found in violent movements? In peaceful movements? Are certain voices ignored when we preach violence or when we preach peace?
4) My Women, Islam, and the State professor told us on Sunday that there will be another women's march, but explicitly told American students not to attend, which a few students had a problem with. (I do not question this: when Egyptian women tell me not to go to their protest for all of our safety, I listen.) What does it mean to be a foreigner who cares very much about the revolution (though, of course, nowhere near as much as the Egyptians involved) here at this time?
2) A student in one of my classes said that Egypt is still finding out who it is, especially politically, after years of political repression. How does a country find out who it is? What does it risk in that process? Whose voices are heard?
3) I'm reading Fanon and Gandhi right now, who have two vastly different perspectives on violence in decolonization; it makes me think of a comment at the teach-ins: non-violent movements are more likely to be supported by "international goodwill." In Washington, a Gandhi statue stands mere blocks from the White House, which regularly issues justifications of drone attacks in Pakistan; what kind of violence do we condone, and whose peace do we encourage? Can liberation be found in violent movements? In peaceful movements? Are certain voices ignored when we preach violence or when we preach peace?
4) My Women, Islam, and the State professor told us on Sunday that there will be another women's march, but explicitly told American students not to attend, which a few students had a problem with. (I do not question this: when Egyptian women tell me not to go to their protest for all of our safety, I listen.) What does it mean to be a foreigner who cares very much about the revolution (though, of course, nowhere near as much as the Egyptians involved) here at this time?
No comments:
Post a Comment